KAVADA AND ENDRES & SENDA-COOK
The second article for today discusses digital activism on a gobal scale, and is mentioned as "second-generation activism" (p.2). The bulk of the article is an analytical exploration of the various webpages occupied by Avaaz and how each one reflects and shapes its audience.
Kavada touches on a discussion about the scattered organizational style of Avaaz and how it relates to the individuals involved in the movement. The initial perspective of this style as "problematic," is soon approached differently. Does this style, rather, facilitate individual autonomy and creativity that enhance social media activist movements?
Kavada touches on a discussion about the scattered organizational style of Avaaz and how it relates to the individuals involved in the movement. The initial perspective of this style as "problematic," is soon approached differently. Does this style, rather, facilitate individual autonomy and creativity that enhance social media activist movements?
How ties are made and the space that provides these social connections via the internet is evidence of activist roots. Regarding Avaaz, the youtube presence has a lot of information about what the organization does in social communities around the world (32 million members worldwide) and how Avaaz's actions are influencing political policy. Here are two youtube clips. The first is the ad Kavada references on page 40, (". . .the “Clash of Civilizations” video, a controversial Avaaz video that earned a YouTube award in 2007 . . ."). The second is a personal story from a campaign director:
The Myspace page is used opportunistically to foster connections with people only. However, the Facebook page produces a news feed which surprisingly reported on a mobilization in Tanzania for the peoples climate march (total of 670,000 people globally) that involved 500 Massai. Also available there is a petition (3 million and counting) to ban pesticides that kill off bees that will be submitted to the White House. A sense of immediate action is present.
Kavada raises an interesting concept with her use of the word architecture. She states, "A possible explanation for this greater personalization on YouTube and MySpace refers
to the architecture of each platform and the potential that they offer for organizational
communication" (p.52). This reference invites the viewer to begin looking at the larger design of online "spaces."
The second reading for the day concerns how spaces chosen for activist action is part of the greater rhetorical conversation. Endres and Senda-Cook state on page 258, "Place in protest allows us to understand how social movements use both place-based arguments and place-as-rhetoric." One example used regarding this idea of place-based arguments is environmentalism. Discussions on place-as-rhetoric in the piece revolve around established meaning in a location that holds rhetorical value, like The National Mall in Washington DC (as mentioned by the authors).
The authors discuss the importance of space and place. Space relates to how social reality is shaped by spatial thinking (the capitalist mode of production is the example they use), whereas places occupy physical locations as they relate to a greater sense of spatial thinking (this mall is a physical location motivated by capitalism, to use the authors' example).
Later the authors discuss the confusion surrounding a Step It Up protest that mixed festival events in with it. On page 276 they state, "Although the temporary transformation of a place for social movement purposes can significantly challenge expected practices in that place, sometimes the norms of the place are too strong, particularly when the movement plays into them." It is a significant point regarding mixed messages brought to the protest via concerts, hula-hooping in addition to food and beer vendors. These elements detracted from the greater purpose of activism and reminds me of a discussion we had earlier in the semester about the purposes of a clear definition of activism.
Kavada raises an interesting concept with her use of the word architecture. She states, "A possible explanation for this greater personalization on YouTube and MySpace refers
to the architecture of each platform and the potential that they offer for organizational
communication" (p.52). This reference invites the viewer to begin looking at the larger design of online "spaces."
The second reading for the day concerns how spaces chosen for activist action is part of the greater rhetorical conversation. Endres and Senda-Cook state on page 258, "Place in protest allows us to understand how social movements use both place-based arguments and place-as-rhetoric." One example used regarding this idea of place-based arguments is environmentalism. Discussions on place-as-rhetoric in the piece revolve around established meaning in a location that holds rhetorical value, like The National Mall in Washington DC (as mentioned by the authors).
The authors discuss the importance of space and place. Space relates to how social reality is shaped by spatial thinking (the capitalist mode of production is the example they use), whereas places occupy physical locations as they relate to a greater sense of spatial thinking (this mall is a physical location motivated by capitalism, to use the authors' example).
Later the authors discuss the confusion surrounding a Step It Up protest that mixed festival events in with it. On page 276 they state, "Although the temporary transformation of a place for social movement purposes can significantly challenge expected practices in that place, sometimes the norms of the place are too strong, particularly when the movement plays into them." It is a significant point regarding mixed messages brought to the protest via concerts, hula-hooping in addition to food and beer vendors. These elements detracted from the greater purpose of activism and reminds me of a discussion we had earlier in the semester about the purposes of a clear definition of activism.
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