CASTELLS . . .2 CHAPTERS

The chapter begins with instances of the Arab Spring. Lybia's national army was not supported by the nation, but instead by the "dictator and his clique" (in regards to Gaddafi). Furthermore, Gaddafi played the social population against one another and his actions were a political outgrowth of concentrated wealth in the region surrounding Gaddafi and a lack of wealth in, specifically, eastern parts of the country. Castells gives a short explanation of how social media impacted efforts of "tribal rebellion," which in turn escalated to civil war. The discussion soon moves to geopolitical strategy. An intervention via France/UK/Italy, US and NATO prevented Gaddafi and his sons from engaging in a planned door-to-door murder of rebels. Also, the geopolitical move involved a strategy to obtain Lybian oil by France/UK/Italy in which Russia/China were "caught off guard and out maneuver by NATO" (p.99). Reflecting on these events, Castells points out that once a social movement involves itself in "military violence to counter military violence" the loss of its "democratic character" is actuated (p.100). On the same page he states, "In a certain sense, civi wars not only kill people, they also kill social movements and their ideals of peace, democracy and justice." This point is addressed in relation to Obama's decision to act in full knowledge of consequences Clinton incurred for inaction during the Rwandan holocaust.

Castells moves next to the Syrian uprising of 2011. This uprising was prompted by the military jailing and torturing of children (9-14) who had been writing statements in public places that supported the overthrow of the regime. The parents protested and some were subsequently shot dead in the streets. Three human rights lawyers and one blogger (all female) responded via the internet calling for protestation and "tens of thousands" responded in protests nationwide; "They wanted political reform" (p.101). The government's responses were not adequate and the protestations escalated into a new form. Civil war broke and Assad used car-bombs to strike fear in the population in an effort to undermine the rebellion. 

The events Castells writes about involve socialist movements (action from the people to gain social control) and how surrounding governmental systems throughout the globe apply varied degrees of pressure (geopolitical moves in the wake of a socialistic movement). The use of military force directed at a nation's own people is an impetus for socialist movements, and geopolitical actions take advantage of uprisings opportunistically. Castells states: 

• "As in all of the other cases of social movements I studied in this volume, there is also a raging debate in the media and in academia about the precise role of digital networks in these movements" (103).
• "But Internet and mobile phone networks are not simply tools, but organizational forms, cultural expressions and specific platforms for political autonomy" (103).

How do Castells' discussions relate to Stuart-Smith-Denton? 

Mobilizing for Action directly relates to the instances of social uprising given above. In my above writing, I weighed heavily on events for purposes of context. What was the result of Syrian military and political action? Effective organization and strategic protestation via social media. To refer back to Stewart-Smith-Denton, "Persuaders must convince large numbers of people to join in the cause, to organize into effective groups, and to unify through coalitions to carry the movement's message to targeted audiences to bring about desired evolutionary results" (p.73).

Paparcharissi's?

"The space of autonomy" Castells discusses is about the positive results of an online forum. Since the internet exists and since it possesses the capability to foster autonomous interaction with activist potentiality, society benefits. In consideration of Castells points in the latter chapter, we may be able to relate back to Paparcharissi's point about the democratizing function served by online spaces that are not completely private and not completely public.  

The chapter devoted to the impact of social media, as it applies to the Arab Spring, delineates the empowerment and enfranchisement capabilities digital channels of communication serve "regional publics" (105). The chapter devoted to the development of autonomy in digital activism addresses my research question of how literature impacts activist involvement online. Castells highlights the storehouse of activist potential in people that directly corresponds to influential writers and works of literature. He states on page 236, "Nevertheless, there is a much deeper connection between social movements and political reform that could activate social change: it takes place in the minds of the people." Castells also talks about how people waver mentally when on the verge of action. For people looking to stimulate the activist impulse rhetorically, literature is tantamount on all fronts.

• The digital mediation (to rephrase Castells words) of ground-level processes which organized these two years of social uprising is hugely significant. What can we infer generally from digital mediation utilized within the Arab Spring? What are the rhetorical / persuasive implications on a governmental scale?